CUNNING PLAN: Get say they will vote for prime minister Theresa Mays Brexit-appointment. But does it necessarily mean that they will vote against? Photo: HENRY NICHOLLS / X06612Slik can Theresa May save Brexit-avtalenMENINGER
It is not the political majority in parliament to pull the Uk out of the EU. It is not the majority of the british population to carry out the break with Europaunionen. It happens, is a national misfortune.
kommentarYngve KvistadPublisert: Updated: 03.12.18 12:13
But Brexit has been a democratic process. The will of the people, as it was expressed in June 2016, was a council from voting britons that the country’s government should enter into separasjonsforhandlinger with the aim to seek a divorce from the EUROPEAN union after four decades of life together.
Then-prime minister David Cameron could let it remain as just that; an advisory referendum, and used the mandate to take the british reformforhandlingene with Brussels even one step further. This was he already started with.
instead he walked by, and handed the conservatives a bunch brønnpissere who have done everything they can to acidify the government’s work and break down the party from within. A similar decay is in progress on the left, where the conflict in Labour has grown in line with the party leader Jeremy Corbyns holdningsløshet in the EU-question.
be not a policy anymore in two of Europe’s most important ideological laboratories, only power struggle.
Within eight days they must, however, come up with plausible explanations of why the negotiated divorce with the EUROPEAN union cannot be accepted.
So to say no one will support prime minister Theresa Mays appointment, but no one has a better suggestion. Those who would have a soft Brexit has been just that. Suddenly it is not soft enough or too soft. Those who cried “Brexit means Brexit”, does not seem that the EU has given the british enough concessions. Is it any wonder confidence in politicians is deteriorating?
Now that it has been shown that the united kingdom’s EU accession regulated so infinitely much more than eastern european immigration, seamless trade with their largest market and that it saved medlemskapskontingenten still does not give greater helsebudsjetter, the mood among most people turned back.
Moments of euphoria and the desire to punish a political elite in Westminster have not been put into something positive, either for the country or for the voters.
The only thing that vegeterer on the chaos, is the antieuropeiske opprørsfalanksen on the Tory party right wing and the leftist sponsors of the Jeremy Corbyn. In both camps used Brexit as a springboard to get the fields the prime minister Theresa May. And both do it to get the inserted its own candidate in 10 Downing Street.
But all this spillfekteriet, all the ambushes and all the lies, not the least, may have given some unforeseen outcomes. Not only it seems to have triggered a popular sympatibølge for the benefit of the prime minister May. It has also stripped the real motives of so many of the actors that they may have limited their own scope of action.
The arch eksentrikeren Jacob Rees-Mogg has made itself to laughter, even in their own circles, to front a fantomopprør against Theresa May, which should lead to the vote of confidence against her. The one day he had the 48 signed the letter to start such a process. The next, he had still not. The humiliating defeat has isolated Rees-Mogg and his group to the right of reality.
Then there is the quartet that has “no comment” to the question of whether they see themselves as a Tory-the party’s next leader: Boris Johnson, Michael Gove, David Davis and Dominic Raab.
If utmeldingsavtalen be voted down in the house of commons 11. December, and Theresa May choose to discard cards, they must be conservative in addition to the new awards also provide a prime minister to negotiate acute arrangements with the EUROPEAN union within virtually all sectors of society.
Davis and Raab are both avgåtte Brexit-ministers, and will have a pedagogical challenge to explain how and why they are in such a situation should get a better deal with the EU than what they were able to negotiate as responsible ministers.
Dominic Raab considered also as far too unknown. Hardly his colleagues know what he stands for. Boris Johnson’s handicap is the opposite. Too many of his colleagues know him. The same can be said about Michael Gove and his ability to drop people in the back. At the same time, his silent loyalty to Theresa May speaking.
the prime Minister May only have the time and the way to establish a solid enough understanding in the house of commons that it really is so as she says: It’s her deal, or no deal. And that the various strategies to trap her just want to turn back on the country when they are there – 116 days from today – without a clue how to relate to the absence of the licenses, approvals, common standards and more than 50 000 lovreguleringer that suddenly not apply when the Uk and the EU no longer is a mutual contractual partners.
Figures and forecasts are not the Theresa Mays side, to say the least. However, according to Adam Boulton, veteran political editor of Sky News, has even the most intractable prospects tend to resolve themselves when the politicians in Westminster are forced to find pragmatic solutions.
the prime Minister May also have more than one attempt to rescue the agreement, and itself, after its predecessor, David Cameron, in 2011, the got adopted a law to ensure his own coalition government. It does that the defeat in parliament does not necessarily mean distrust. It now requires a specified setting must have a two-thirds majority in the national assembly to be adopted. Labour threaten with distrust, but it will hardly get the approval of anyone other than the party’s own representatives.
the Perception is therefore that Theresa May is sitting quite safely, and that she can get passed – if she will – a Brexit-the agreement on the second attempt if the first should fall 11. December.
Of Underhusets 650 members, participates rarely more than 630 – 635 in the actual reconciliation. Some are acute, some didn’t arrive in time, some have formal reasons to refrain, someone to see themselves served by not meeting up. In addition, the Mind Feins seven representatives that never set in the Westminster of the principle.
the Government can support up to 321 conservative parliamentarians as well as the ten unionistene from northern ireland DUP that May have entered into a cooperation agreement with. But the DUP say they will vote against the Mays deal, like with 81 named Toryer. Some of these, as BoJo and Rees-Mogg will not have this agreement whatsoever, while others will vote against unless it be put forward in a referendum. They are with other words not as may well be negative.
Toryenes sjefinnpisker Julian Smith believes, according to The Sunday Times, that he can win enough votes for May by to persuade after all, the large number of pro-european representatives in the party to follow Kenneth Clarke’s example to “bite in bikkjematen from Brussels”, so that one can move forward.
In that case, cook the hard core around BoJo and Rees-Mogg, down to barely 30 souls, which fits in correctly with the number of letters to the mistillitskomiteen in the party. It is manageable. A majority on the conservative side will normally vegre himself to humble his own prime minister and throw the country into constitutional crisis. Or even worse: pave the way for the Corbyns socialists.
Smith and May will then need passive and active support from the opposition. Adam Boulton thinks it is not inconceivable that both the DUP and the scottish politicians – including both nasjonalistpartiet SNP and 13 named Tory-representatives – can see themselves wish to abstain from voting, rather than to be beaten in hartkorn with Jeremy Corbyn.
It is also conceivable that 30 or more pro-EU representatives in the Labour does not wish to dance after the Corbyns pipe, and also ensure that the Uk is out of the EUROPEAN union with a negotiated agreement that, despite everything, will regulate the relationship to the Europaunionen in a proper way.
This is done before, when the konservatives Edward Heath and Labours of Roy Jenkins in 1971 secured bipartisan majority to sign the country into the EUROPEAN union (EEC).
Get the say they will vote for Theresa Mays Brexit-appointment. It does not necessarily mean that they will vote against.
read ogsåHar you heard the one about the scotsman who… ?read ogsåTheresa May took a Spanish one: the British Gibraltar-strategy hit back at them selvles ogsåØyfolket. Even more aleneles ogsåPanikk in the scenes: Desperate May seek the support of extreme unionistpartiles ogsåFrykten is her weapon: Impaired May can mean softer Brexitles ogsåBritisk Brexit-balubales also Possible vote of confidence against Theresa May: This is the brexit-scenarioeneles ogsåTa EEA scholarship of BrexitHer you can read more omStorbritanniaBrexitEUJeremy CorbynDominic RaabBoris JohnsonDavid Cameron
